CHAPTER THREE
LITERATURE REVIEW
3.1. The Tribal
A tribe is a collection of families or group of families bearing a common name, members of which occupy the same territory, speak the same language and observe certain taboos regarding marriage, profession or occupation and have developed a well-assessed system of reciprocity and mutuality of obligations (Majumdar, 1961).
Although this term is widely used in a reference to the preliterate people in many parts of the world, there is no commonly accepted definition of the word (Jha, 1998). Tribals are a distinct social group who are usually confined in definite areas, speak a common dialect, have cultural homogeneity and a unifying social organism (Tiwari, 1986). Originally a tribe is defined as a social group having a simple technology, primitive economy, prevalence of animistic and homogeneity of culture. And on the basis of these characteristics, usually an ethnic group is defined as tribe (Jha, 1998).Bardhan (1973) defined the tribe as a course of socio-cultural entity at a definite historical stage of development. It is a single, endogamous community with a cultural and psychological make up going back onto a distant historical past. As these people form the oldest ethnological sector of the population, some refer to those by the term ``Adivasi`` which means the original inhabitant on the land (George and Sreekumar, 1994).
Almost in every parts of the world there are tribals (Negi, 1996; Prasad, 1985) and there are many sects of tribals who are known by different names in different parts and their languages also differ from one another (Prasad, 1985). The fact that 4000-5000 of the 6000 languages in the world is indigenous strongly suggests that indigenous peoples constitute most of the world’s cultural diversity (Durning, 1992). It is estimated that the present tribal population of the world is more than 200 million (Negi, 1996; Sing, 1992) i.e., 4 percent of the worlds populations (Negi, 1996; Singh, 1997). Irrespective of their location, they are people with abundant self-respect, who are conscious to preserve their social and cultural identity. They are simple as they are fascinating, as sincere as they are innocent, as colorful as they are hospitable and as lively as they are lovely (Tiwari, 1986).
3.2. Indigenous Communities of Bangladesh
The latest record of indigenous communities in Bangladesh gives the number as 45 distributed in the various regions of the country and recorded by solidarity, the Bangladesh indigenous people forum that are listed below (Table 3.1).
Table 3.1: The indigenous communities of Bangladesh.
| 1 | Asam | 16 | Karmakar | 31 | Musohor |
| 2 | Bom | 17 | Khatriya Barman | 32 | Oraon |
| 3 | Banai | 18 | Khodo | 33 | Paharia |
| 4 | Bediya | 19 | Khumi | 34 | Pangkhu |
| 5 | Bhumij | 20 | Koch | 35 | Patro |
| 6 | Bagdi | 21 | Kole | 36 | Phan |
| 7 | Chakma | 22 | Lusai | 37 | Rai |
| 8 | Chack | 23 | Mahali | 38 | Rajbongshi |
| 9 | Dalu | 24 | Malo | 39 | Rajdrar |
| 10 | Garo | 25 | Mahato | 40 | Rakhain |
| 11 | Gurkha | 26 | Manipuri | 41 | Santal |
| 12 | Hajong | 27 | Marma | 42 | Shing |
| 13 | Khasi | 28 | Mriyar | 43 | Tanchangya |
| 14 | Khasia | 29 | Mro | 44 | Tripur |
| 15 | Khiang | 30 | Munda | 45 | Tur |
(Anon, 2002)
The previous census reports show that there are ethnic people in all the 64 districts of Bangladesh but concentrated in north and northeastern borders, north central region and the entire area of greater Chittagong Hill Tracts (Khan, 1998).
3.3. The Hajong Tribe
The word `Hajong` came from Kasari word `Hajo`. In Kasari `Ha` means hill and `jo` means mountain. They are called `Hajo` in kasari because they live in hill and mountain. Later it turns into `Haijong`, but at present known as Hajong. (Anon., 2003)
In term of ethnicity, they are descendants of the Kachhari people of the Mongoloid race. Several hundred years ago they came to the region adjacent to the Garo Hills and started living there. The Hajong people are divided into two main classes- Paramarthi and Byayabchhadi (Ahmed, 2003)
The total population of the Hajong in Bangladesh is 11,477 (BBS, 1992). But some assumes the number to be around 15 thousand, although the population was about 40 thousand once in the country (Anon., 2003).
3.3.1. Distribution and Language
The Hajong is an ethnic group living in the hilly parts of Mymensingh district. Few of them live in the Sherpur, Sylhet and Netrokona regions also. Their main settlements are in Sreebardi, Haluaghat, Nalitabari, Susong Durgapur, Kalmakanda and Birishiri areas (Ahmed, 2003). They are also available in Darampasa, Tahirpur and Bishmbor in Sunamgonj; Sripur and Kaliakoer in Gajipur; Safipur and Bhaluka in Tangail districts. (Anon., 2003)
The Hajong have their own language, but do not have an alphabet. Their spoken language is a mixture of local dialects. Speaking in colloquial Bangla is a common practice among them. The Hajong language was originally a part of the Tibeto-Burmese group of languages, but later got mixed with Assamese and Bangla. Modern education has not yet spread in Hajong society (Ahmed, 2003). Lot of words of Kasari are entered Hajong language. There are little similarities of this language to Garo (Singh, 2001).
3.3.2. Physical Appearance
A mixture of Dravidian and Mongoloid races is clearly evident in the physical characteristics of the Hajong. They look more Dravidian than Mongoloid (Singh, 2001). The Hajongs are fair skinned, bearing good health with fatty body. Sole is flatten than the body, hair densely blackish, and eye moderate to small and black. Hair is available in body, eye lid, and brow. The Hajong are strong and hard worker. Women have great patience in working other than man (Anon., 2003).
3.3.3. Religion
In terms of religious belief the Hajongs are close to the Hindus. They worship the Durga and other Hindu Gods and Goddesses. But Shiva is their chief deity. They observe a number of bratas (vows) including the Kartik brata performed in the month of Kartik (October-November). Girls and women dance in brata ceremonies. They also worship the Brahmaputra river like the Hindu Brahmans. Hajongs wear paita (the holy thread) on their bodies. They are the believers in reincarnation too (Ahmed, 2003).
3.3.4. Living Pattern
The Hajong society is patriarchal. After the death of the father, sons inherit his property. Daughters, however, are given dowry and ornaments at the time of their marriage. Young men and women marry with their parents’ consent. A Hajong man can marry a woman of his own clan as well as of different clan. After marriage, women put on Sindur (vermilion) mark on their Sithi (parting of the hair on the middle of the head). Child marriage is not allowed. Premarital sex is strictly prohibited. The Hajong generally abide by the rules and principles of marital purity. A husband can not have more than one wife. Divorce is not uncommon and widows can remarry. Rules of divorce followed by the Hajongs are in many respects similar to those found among the Santals and the Murongs (Ahmed, 2003)
Like many other aborigines, the Hajongs are basically a farming community. Once they were accustomed to Jhum farming, but now they follow plough farming. Along with rice and other corps, they grow cotton and make their fabrics at home. In addition to these activities, people belonging to the Hajong communities collects wood from jungles and do some other kinds of work (Ahmed, 2003).
3.3.5. Housing Pattern
The Hajongs lead simple lives like the Garos. Most families live in thatched houses. Relatively better off families have tin-shed or brick-built houses. Houses are neat and clean reflecting the neatness of their life-style. Like other ethnic groups, they build and maintain community houses for social needs as well as for other purposes (Ahmed, 2003).
3.3.6. Dress and Jewelry
The Hajong men wear Dhuti and women wear a piece of cloth to cover the upper part of the body and a separate piece for the waist downward. This is known as Pathin. They also use dress like Chadar (Shawl), which is known as Argon. Women use different color dresses in marriage ceremony. They usually wear homemade clothes (Ahmed, 2003).
Among the ornaments women use diri, dulung, makri etc. in their ear as earing; bracelet and bangle in their hand. In leg they use bak khonjuyri, kharu etc. But at present they use modern jewelry which are available in market (Anon., 2003).
3.3.7. Food Habit
Rice is the staple food of Hajongs. Fruits, vegetables, mutton, pork, ducks and chicken are other major items of their diet (Ahmed, 2003). Rice, fish and dry fish is their favorite food. They also prefer of Binny bat. Bagni bat is produced from Aush paddy which is wetened for preparation. It is also known as rotten rice. Different kinds of cakes are prepared by women. Wine is familiar in the Hajong society. These are prepared from rotten rice (Anon., 2003).
3.4. Forests: A means of meeting tribal needs
Tiwari (1986) recognizes about a very fortuitous coincidence that practically wherever there are concentration of tribal population, there happens to be sufficient forest area nearby. From times immemorial the human beings started their early days from the forests (Prasad, 1985). Their dependence on forests is so much that tribals constitute one of the integral components of forest ecosystem. They took upon the forests as the nature’s gift, as their own property and they have unfettered freedom to do as they please and the way they please (Saxena, 1986).
Tiwari (1986) revealed that forests are very important in the day-to-day life of the tribals. It has been the base on which tribal habitat and life has revolved and evolved so far; their religio-cultural artifacts, beliefs and practices, technologies and tools have been nurtured and cultivated under perennial plant associations and benign environment (Saxena, 1986). Forests are the home of the tribals (Negi, 1996) and tribal life is connected one way or the other with forests, right from birth to death (Tewari, 1986). Forests provide them a number of things: shelter (housings materials); food-edible fruits, nuts, tuber, roots, flowers, seeds, wild games, spices, etc. (Negi, 1996 and Sing, 1997); herbs which they employ in the treatment of various ailments (Prasad, 1985); forage for livestock (Singh, 1997); fuel (Kulkarni, 1986); agricultural implements (Saxena, 1986); bark or leaves which, a number of tribes cover their bodies with (Negi, 1996); weapons for hunting and even raw materials for their arms like bows and arrows (Samal, 1997).
The tribals have evolved a way of life, which is woven around forest ecology and forest resources, and ensure that forest is protected against degradation by man and nature. Thus the local tribal communities have a symbiotic relationship with forests and the existence of both is mutually beneficial (Tiwari, 1986). Tiwari (1986) and Singh (1997) thus argued that anything happening to forest areas would profoundly affect tribals; if forests are destroyed or denuded of their wealth, tribals would then perish.
3.5. Dependence of Tribals on Forests
The dependency of the tribal people varies from hunting and food gathering though pastoral life to settled agriculture (Singh, 1997). Peoples’ dependence on forest resources is wide ranging and intimate, from use of timber for construction of houses and cattle sheds to use of plants for medicine and beverages (Namgyel and Ghimiray, 1998). Khisa (1998) argued that, it is an easy matter for them to procure from the forest, as they are very acquainted and adapted to the forest environment.
The life of tribals always centered on the forests. The religious, cultural and economic activities of the tribal people depend on forests. It’s their main life supporting system, and therefore, it plays a vital role in their economy (Gantayat, 1997). Forests are intimately connected with tribal life, with their multidimensional uses (Samal, 1997; Dwivedi, 1993). Negi (1996) informs that the tribals to a large extent are dependent on forests and their dependency varies to a certain extent, from area to area.
3.6. Ethno-botany
Ethno-botany is the study of direct interaction between human beings and plants, the study concentrated with the totality of the place of plants in culture (Subramani, 2000). It is the knowledge of interaction and use of plant resources by the ethnic people (Khisa, 1998). It is the interdisciplinary science for documentation of indigenous knowledge and interactions between people and plants (Alam and Khisa 2000; Alam, 1998, Satter, 1998). Ethno-botany, by nature is a multidisciplinary science of plant, ecology, forestry, culture, literature, sociology, anthropology, medicine and economic botany (Khan, 1998; Shengji, 1998; Rastogi, 1998). Ethno-botanical knowledge refers to practical knowledge related to uses of biological resources within indigenous cultural groups based on their intimate experience accumulated over many generations (Alam, 1998). Application of ethnobotanical knowledge towards biodiversity management, community development and conservation is gaining momentum. Knowledge of ethnobotany can also be integrated towards the development of sustainable agro-forestry systems and upland farming systems (Alam and Khisa, 2000).
In other word, Ethno-botany is the indigenous knowledge of plants (Alam and Khisa, 2000), which relates to plants, their utilization, management and socio-economic aspects (Sattar, 1998). This view is also supported by Martin (1995) who states about classical ethno-botany that simply makes list of plants by local names, scientific names and their uses while the applied ethno-botany emphasizes many other aspects. Traditionally, ethno-botany is concerned with the documentation of knowledge and cataloging medicinal and other economic plants whereas, modern perception of it includes the exploring different dimensions of utilization also (Sattar, 1998). But traditional ethno-botanical knowledge can serve to provide new uses for existing plants, uses for previously unknown plants, and new source of useful known compounds (Shengji et al., 1990). It helps identify and focus the indigenous technology and knowledge (ITK) and vice versa (Khisa, 1998). Indigenous knowledge about plants and the processes for their utilization are the main focuses of ethno-botany. They exist as practices, taboos, and ritual beliefs, folklores and are being transmitted from generation to generation (Alam, 1998).
Different dimensions of utilization of forest resources, which is the modern perception of ethno-botany, are highlighted here.
3.6.1. Forest and Food Materials
The tribals have totally submitted themselves to the forest setting since ages (Tewari, 1986). Everyday millions of the poor, the tribals and forest dwellers are earning their livelihood from the forest (Raghunath, 1986). The tribal communities could subsist for thousands of years with reasonable standard of health and abode mainly because forests provided them food etc. (Tiwari, 1985; Tewari, 1986).
Forests provide tribals a number of foods in the form of edible fruits, roots, tubers, leaves etc. (Negi, 1996). Makihuri et al. (2000) states that the Bhotiya of India depends to a large extent on wild resources of plant and animal origin for their food security. Edible wild fruits, seeds and leaves often provide food during the lean period when staple food item such as rice, buckwheat, barley are net available.
In times of distress and scarcity tribals mostly rely on forest produce for their subsistence and in normal times their food comprises seeds also along with others collected from forests (Sattar, 1998). Samal (1997) reveals that the Kandha tribe of Koraput, India extracts tamarind seeds to eat. Mango stones and tamarind seeds are powdered and then made into gruel with other food items for consumption.
Banik (1997) states that the young shoots of several species of bamboos are important vegetable ingredients in the daily meals in China, Japan, Taiwan and Thailand. The tribal people of Bangladesh collect bamboo shoots from the natural forests and have been using them as one of the major food items during rainy season (Banik, 1997; Barua, 1995; Jalil and Chowdhary, 2000). These young shoots, locally known as `bans koral` of Melocanna baccifera and Bambusa tulda are cooked as vegetables (Siddiqi, 1998).
Chandra (2002) describes that various parts of the plants are used as food. In some cases only one of the parts is used, in others more than one part is edible and in some cases the whole plant is used. Wild leaves litter fresh or dry, frequently accompany staple grain dishes. Apart from herbs, many woody perennials are also consumed as greens. Many plants possess acidic leaves, which are either used or taken in form of salad and chutney. The young leaves of Albizia procera and wild mango are used as vegetables as are they young shoots of bamboo and cane (golak aga) by the tribals of CHT, Bangladesh (Jalil and Chowdhury, 2000). They take young shoots of Daemonorops jenkinsianus and Calamus tenuis as vegetables (Siddiqi, 1998).
Mushrooms are consumed by the tribal peoples of CHT`s as food (Banik, 1998). Several variation of edible fungus like Lentinus, Shizophyllim and Jew`s Ear grow on decaying wood (Jalil and Chowdhury, 2000; Khisa, 1998), mushrooms like Leoiota, Volvariella Volvacea (Khisa, 1998; Banik, 1998; Jalil and Chowdhury, 2000) and Pleurotus (Banik, 1998) are used as food, which are all , collected in the rainy season from the wild (Banik, 1998).
Forest provides food in lean season and during emergency periods (Chandra, 2002). Approximately 150 species of wild plants consumed in India, Malaysia and Thailand have been identified as a source of emergency food by the FAO (Anon., 1984). The inflorescence of wild banana and the white soft core within the leaf sheaths are used as vegetables by the tribes of CHT`s, Bangladesh. Banana core cooked with rice is used in days of food scarcity and when chopped with bran it makes an excellent fodder for pigs and cattle (Jalil and Chowdhury, 2000). The Mahua plant has also been of special significance as food during the years of scanty rainfall (Kumar and Goel, 2000). Bamboo seeds especialy Bambusa aurundinacea are collected and eaten cooked like rice especially during the famine times as scarcity foods (Chandra, 2002). During seeding time, the bamboo seeds are also powdered and cakes prepare for eating by tribals of CHT`s (Banik, 1998).
In the villages, south of Bamako, the capital of Mali where rainfall often limits agricultural productivity, non timber forest product (NTFPs) are extremely important as food supplement and food accounts for 54% of the total products. Among the edible products leaves for sauces, fruits for sauces, nuts for oil or butter and seeds for condiments are the most important and 90% of the NTFPs are collected from the natural forests (Chandra, 2002).
3.6.2. Forests and Housing Materials
Tribals can not live without forests; they survive because of the existence of the forests (Singh, 1997). Forests have multidimensional uses in the life of tribals (Samal, 1997). Forests provide shelter and housing materials along with other produces to a variety of peoples.
A number of traditional building methods, which make use of locally available materials, have for centuries provided shelter for the indigenous inhabitants (`Nama` and `Kung`) in Namibia. The main materials used in the traditional Nama hut are branches from either the Ziziphus mucronata or the Famarix usneoides. The thick end of the branch is placed into the ground and a stone is fastened to the top, to bend it; after a few days it take the required form which is thatched and covered with mats woven from rushes Cyperus marginatus (Wienecke, 2001).
Alam and Khisa (2000) reveals that the tribal people of CHTs use house posts as Anogeissus Acuminata, Bischofia javanica, Callicarpa arborea, Dillenia pentagyna, Holarrhena pubscences, Macaranga denticulata, Mitragyna parvifolia, Nauclea sessilifolia, Shifting cultivation hima wallichii, Vitex peduncularis. Bamboo is possibly the most important forest resources for the indigenous people and are greatly used for house construction and agricultural implement by them in CHTs (Siddiqi, 1998). It is much used as material for the construction of houses, fences, bridges and a great variety of implements. To the hill people, it is a traditional building material.
There are about seven species of bamboo occur in CHTs (Siddiqi, 1998) of which Muli (Melocanna baccifera) is used for the construction of floor, wall and roof of houses and for various household implements (Sattar, 1998). Next to bamboo sungrass (Imperata cylindrica) is the most important material for house construction. It is used for thatching roof of the huts (Siddiqi, 1998).
Sattar (1998) state that there are about 400 tree species in the CHTs most of which are used as construction and fuel wood. However, there are some species, which are preferred by the tribal people.
3.6.3. Forest and Health Care
From time immemorial, hill people have traditionally and culturally used medicinal plants mainly for two fold purposes as cure against diseases and aesthetic usage (Rashid and Rashid, 2002). Medicinal plants mostly occur in dense forests (Siddiqi, 1998). Nasrin and Khalifa (2004) recorded 52 species of plants that are used by the tribal people of Sylhet, Chittagong and CHTs.
Nasrin and Khalifa (2004) states that nine tree species and their leaves are used for bone fracture and other injuries by the tribal of Bangladesh. They also shows that 40 species used by the Marma tribe of CHTs in different purposes. Out of which 33 as medicinals plant, 4 as foods, 2 as commercial purposes and rest one for religious purpose. Ninety six (96) different medicinal plants are used by tribals of Bangladesh for 53 diseases.
Hajong is the tribals, the people of which totally depend on medicinal plants in their everyday use. For proper use they depend on Kabiraj. The leaves of Tulsi and Manikong are used for eye; Leaves of Palash for heart ache; Nim leaves for chiken pox; Citka for disentary; Lajjabati for women diseases,etc.(Nasrin and Khalifa, 2004).
Banik (1998) reported the use of bamboo by the ethnic people of the CHTs. To get cure from the bite of any animal, paste is prepared from the tip of very young culm of Muli (Melocanna baccifera) bamboo and put on the bite spot. Creamy colored embryo of seeds of the same species is taken as medicine for physical strength by the tribals. The tender shoots of Bambusa bambos are reported to promote the appetite and help in digestion (Banik, 1997).
Prasad (1993) describes the ethno-medico uses of different parts of Mahua (Madhuca indica) tree. Its oil has emollient properties and is used in skin diseases, rheumatism and headache. The seed cake is used in snakebite; bark to heal the wounds and to cure night fever. In Patalkot areas of Chhindwara district in Madhya Pradesh, Mahua leaves are gently warmed and are tied around body parts to cure swellings and minor injuries.
Bhagwati (1997) reported that the Van Gujjaras also give the milking mother buffalos herbal medicines along with special supplies of rich fodder leaves immediately after giving birth. Makikhuri et al. (2000) reported that 37 plant species are in common medicinal use among the Tolchhas, Marchhas and Jadhs of Cental Himalayas, India. Dhoop and Karu are the two important items collected from the forests in Himachal Pradesh by the tribal. Dhoop is a small perennial shrub, which is also used in medicines, apart from its use as incense particularly in religious places and ceremonies (Negi and Bhalla, 2002).
3.6.4. Forests and Rituals
Forests have been the base on which tribal habitat and life has revolved and evolved so far their religio-cultural articrafts, belifs and practices have been nurtured and cultivated under perennial plant associations and benign environment (Saxena, 1988).
In some part of India, Mahua tree is considered sacred and during festival days such as `Halchat` eatables are prepared from the products of this tree and food is even served on the plates and bowls made of its leaves alone. The twigs of this tree are used as tooth brush on festival days. A God named is made of the Mahua wood (Prasad, 1993).
Alam and Khisa (2000) describe that the hill people of the CHTs who are mostly Buddhist believe that plants have got lives and feelings. They have religious beliefs about plants. Banyan (Ficus spp.) trees are considered as sacred by them. They also have taboo that large tree have spirits. The Buddhist Monks put on orange yellow wlored religious dress, which is dyed with yellow dye, obtained from yellow bark flakes from the inner barks of Artocarpus heterophyllus. So, generally the Buddhist people do not make sitting furniture like chair, cots, or tables from this wood. Khisa (1998) reported that shoots and leaves of banyan/mango trees are used to disperse water (used for prayer) to human being, all around homes and villages during the occasion of worships.
In Hajong society leaves of mango tree, banana is used in marriage ceremony. After the death of anyone Mango and Chandan tree is used to burn the dead body. In religious activities such as for Puja different kinds of species are used. For example leaves of Tulsi and Bel in Krishna Puja; leaves of Boroi and Meghdumbur in Laxmi Puja; Chandan and Arjun are also used. If Hajong community thinks a particular species has religious value then they give everything to save that species. These types of species are Chandan, Arjun, Bot and Bell. They take Bot as most valuable because they think God lives in this tree (Nasrin and Khalifa, 2004).
3.6.5. Trees in Homesteads
Generally fruit trees like Artocarpus heterophyllus, Annona reticulata, Citrus grandis, Cocos nucifera, Dillenia indica, Aegle marmelos, Psidium guajava, Tamarindus indica, and other fruit trees are grown in the homestead. Recently betel nut, Areca catechu is also planted, among the timber trees Garuga pinnata and Lannea corcomandelica are some times found to grow. Other than fruit trees people also grow chilies, lams, turmeric, ginger, cassava pigeon pea, Hibiscus sabderiffa in the homesteads. Bambusa vulgaris, Dendrocalamus longispathus and occasionally Melocanna baccifera are the bamboo species found to grow near the homesteads. The dwellers get food and housing materials from these plants. No fuel wood or timber trees are deliberately grown in the homesteads, but if grown they do not cut them (Alam and Khisa, 2000).
3.7. Indigenous Knowledge (IK)
The term indigenous knowledge or local knowledge is used to refer to that knowledge which is generated and transmitted by communities, over time, in an effort to cope with their own agro-ecological and socio-economic environments. The knowledge is generated and transferred through a systematic process of observing local conditions, experimenting with solutions, and readapting previously identified solutions to modified environment, socio-economic and technological solutions (Alam and Khisa, 2000).
Indigenous Knowledge is defined by Warren and Cashmen (1998) as the sum of experience and knowledge of a given community that forms the basis for decision making related to familiar and unfamiliar problems and challenges. It is the local and traditional knowledge used by rural people for agriculture, natural resource management, fisheries, livestock, health practices and other activities (Nassem and Alam, 1998). Indigenous knowledge system presupposes perception, under standing of the local people about their needs, strategies of development and survival as well as about the utility of local knowledge about the ideas and orientations of the people living in rural areas and in remote places like isolated tribal communities. It is transmitted through stories, folk songs, folk literature and the process of inculturization (Masreque and Khan, 2000). It develops through experiences sharing and normally passes on through generations by oral expressions and it operates in all aspects of community life and persists therein as unwritten form (Amin, 2000).
IK is more prevalent to be practiced by the tribal & indigenous communities all over the world. The indigenous people of Bangladesh apply their own tree harvesting technology, when they harvest for their own use (Mohiuddin et al., 2002). Trees are not felled during the wet season (Sattar, 1998), they cut the tree before the spring, during dry months of January-February (Mohiuddin et al., 2002). It has the scientific basis of harvesting which has assessed by Sattar (1998) and Mohiuddin et al., (2002). According to them, during dry months, due to low moisture content in the soil, growth of tree is comparatively slower than the monsoon, so there is less starch content in the wood, and this make the wood less susceptible to insect attack. Usually the maturity of the trees and bamboos is checked by striking the stem with the back of a sharp iron tool called `dao` and creation of metallic sound indicates that the trees are matured enough for harvest (Sattar, 1998; Banik, 1998). In case of bamboo, change in color of culm surface from green to yellowish (Sattar, 1998; Banik, 1998) and absence of culm sheath (Banik, 1998) are taken into consideration. The maturity of the rattan stem is judged by disappearence of leaf sheath near the base of the culm (Sattar, 1998). The preference of timber species by the tribal people also reflects the possession if indigenous knowledge by them. Sattar (1998) argued that the species preferred by the tribals such as Gutguyia (Protium serratum), Gamar (Gmelina arborea), Udal (Sterculia villosa) etc, are more or less durable and are resistant to bio-deterioration. Gamar is dimensionally stable, does not show any degradation during long time use.
If there is any roof leak in the houses of tribal people the remedy is simple applying their indigenous knowledge, which is described by Banik (1998). A piece of bamboo is split in two, the knot removed, making a clear and smooth channel which is then fastened under the leak with the end projecting through the nearest side-wall, the water runs down the bamboo channel and get out side the house.
Banik (1998) states about the indigenous safety tool used by the tribals. The local hill people has been using only one implement, dao (0.3-0.6m long and 4-5 cm wide flat iron made sharp knife) for different construction and agricultural works which they also use for protecting themselves from any attack of wild lives.
3.8. Hunting
Most of the tribals are small and marginal farmers, shifting cultivators, artisans, hunters and food gatherers (Singh, 1997). Hunting for the tribals of Orissa is more of a sport and cultural pastime than a source of income. Ceremonial hunting marks the communal feeling of the tribals (Mohapatra, 1997). There is a system among the tribals of Bihar, Bengal and Orissa that they assemble at one place once in a year and comb the forest areas and shoot the wildlife whichever come on their way with bows and arrows. They distribute the boots amongst themselves and enjoy like picnic (Prasad, 1985).
Indigenous peoples throughout Latin America tropical rain forests depend upon hunted animals foliage portion of their food calories and in many cases, for most of their protein. As a result they have an intimate understanding of the relationship between these animals and their environments (Clay, 1988).
Clay (1988) also states that indigenous peoples’ knowledge about game animals could help to establish systems of protein generation, making wild animals an integral part of the food chain. For example, indigenous peoples both contemporary and historical in many areas of Latin American tropical rain forests already plant certain species of fruit and nut trees in their slash and burn gardens to extend the productivity of the plot and to attract wild pigs, paca, coati, deer, macaws, parrots and other animals that they traditionally hunt.
The Guaja of eastern Amazon also do hunting. They construct their traditional shelters when they visit their hunting camps. They use babasu (Attalea speciosa) fronds to build hunting blinds (takaya) in which leaf base is dug into the ground and stem tips are centrally arched and tied together to form an enclosed, dome like structure. Hunting blinds are usually constructed near old fallows or hunting trails (Forline, 2000).
3.9. Gender Issues
Gender is a concept that deals with the roles and relationship between men and women with respect to the social, political and economic context and not by the biology. It is not a synonym for the word women nor is it an abbreviation for men and women. But it has to deal with both sexes in relation to each other and not either or (Ahmed, 2001). According to Warren (1988) cited in Ashley (2000) “Knowledge is part of the social fabric of any society, and gender is one of the primary dimensions of that social fabric”.
Ahmed (2001) states that women relationship with homestead forestry is very intimate as they are the groups who have most to gain from tree growing for subsistence purposes and arguably for cash too. As traditional collectors of fuel wood and fodder women have more direct interest than man in choice of species.
In Hajong society women are involved to collect food, fuel wood, and other medicinal plant parts from trees in forest. In case of religious activities they play main role to collect tree parts from forest. They attain better knowledge in this case than men (Nasrin and Khalifa, 2004).
Alam and Khisa (2000) inform that indigenous knowledge systems are also gendered and women have much knowledge about food plants, aromatic plants, and plants of hair wash and skincare. It is important to note that most of the decision concerning selection of seeds is taken by the women farmers of Timor. They believe that women`s hands are best suited for selecting seeds. Misra (1997) describes that women are the major contributors of tribal economy. As compared to the males the females shoulder greater responsibility of their households. In most of the cases they not only collect food, fodder, fuel and medicines from the forests but also dispose these in the nearby market. Samal (1997) revealed that among the Kendra tribe of Koraput district, India, adult women spent 51 percent and children 32 percent of their total gainfully occupied labor days in digging roots and collecting other food articles while adult males spent only 15.5 percent of them in it.
Production activities in the area of agriculture are done by both men and women in tribal areas of CHTs reported by Khisa (1998). He states that men are responsible for site selection for jhum, cutting jungles felling trees, etc., while women participate with men in dibbling and sowing seeds, weeding, harvesting, threshing and carrying. Food plant gathering is basically the women`s job. Children are engaged in grazing livestock and helping mother in the household works.
Regarding house construction, among the Nama and Kung tribals in Namibia, men are traditionally responsible for constructing the wall and roof frame, thatching the roof, and making the sun-dried mud brick while women assist them by mud and dung surface of the floor (Wienecke, 2001).
Both men and women of Van Gujjars, a forest dwelling pastoralist tribe in Northern Uttar pradesh, milk their buffaloes and cut grass, though cooking and preparing milk products is largely women`s work. On the other hand, most of the lopping and farm labor are mainly the task of younger males. Both sexes work on dera (house) construction; the males building the frame while the women cut thatch and plaster walls. Decorations are usually the work of women (Bhagwati, 1997).
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| Absract |
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| Introduction |
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| Methodology |
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| Literature Review |
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| Study Area |
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| Result And Discussion |
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| Recomendation And Conclusion |
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| References |
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